The media plays a critical role in shaping our understanding of the world and is a significant force in influencing ideologies. The media is a powerful filter through which we see, comprehend, infer, and interpret the world. News outlets, social media platforms, and entertainment agencies contribute to the ideological landscape. The way information is put forth, the selection of topics, the language and format used, the colour and designs used, and the voices emphasised are highly subjective and can influence the perceptions and values of the readers. The discourse of periodicals plays a crucial role in shaping public opinion and influencing decision­making processes. This influence stems from the complicated relationship that exists between individual psychology and external factors. Personal circumstances, psychological makeup, and external influences all contribute to forming individual beliefs.

A periodical is a magazine or newspaper published on a serious, technical, or academic topic at regular intervals. Periodicals can be divided into various lines according to their published content. The periodicals started appearing in Europe in the 17th century. During this period, the publishers began to consider the periodicals seriously. There was a cultural shift in the taste of the people which soon culminated in the beginning of the early trendsetter influential periodicals called 'The Review' (1704­13) by Daniel Defoe, 'The Tatler' (1709­11) by Richard Steele, and 'The Spectator' (1711­12) by Joseph Addison. These three periodicals published articles on literature, literary criticism, domestic and foreign affairs, and certain individual opinions. 'The Review' was initially named 'A Review of the Affairs of France' and discussed foreign affairs. The periodical became a part of the household, coffee houses, and table discussions. Out of the variety available, socio­political­cultural periodicals were ideologically driven. These periodicals mostly spread news stories with a specific ideological stance. Such periodicals occupy a special and significant place in print media.

In the Indian scenario, many periodicals appeared before, during, and after the independence movement. This paper aims to illuminate how the periodical 'Organiser' uses discourse to influence its readers. As a media product, a tool of the culture industry, and a communication state apparatus, the periodical is an opinion maker and influencer for society. Overall, periodicals have a broad impact on the readers and, subsequently, on society. They attempt to instill ideology in society by disseminating narratives through their published content and the language used.

It is one of Delhi's oldest and most widely circulated weeklies. It first hit the stands in 1947. It was edited and enriched by personalities like A. R. Nair, K. R. Malkani, L. K. Advani, V. P. Bhatia, Seshadri Chari, R. Balashanker, and now Prafulla Ketkar. It has crossed the 5 lakh mark through a network of around 500 agents spread throughout India. This paper, in particular, earnestly analyses and examines the discourse of the periodical 'Organiser' (always spelt in the British way and in bold orange colour) in light of gender, language, and ideology. The periodical 'Organiser' carries a tagline proclaiming, 'Voice of the Nation'. The tagline always appears in the title and sounds inclusive. It represents the unique voice of the nation. It seems appropriate for the cover page and content of the periodical. The cover page of 'Organiser' offers a comprehensive insight into its ideas, culture, values, and views. This paper uses the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA for short) tools to study the social and cultural practices of the periodical 'Organiser'. The textual grammatical analysis involves examining the types of discourse representation found in the sample texts (Description). The discursive analysis of the sample text provided an interpretation of the articles featured in the issue of the Organiser. The analysis of social practices focuses on the discourse in the sample text. This paper employs critical discourse analysis to examine the representation of women in media discourse. CDA allows us to examine and analyse aspects such as gender, language, and ideology in the Organiser periodical.

It is crucial to understand discourse before discussing critical discourse analysis. The discourse is a multidisciplinary concept. It occurs in linguistics, anthropology, history, social psychology, cultural studies, political science, gender studies, international relations, public policy, psychoanalysis, postcolonial studies, sociology, continental philosophy, and political science. Discourse involves conditional understanding beyond the word or text written or spoken. Occasionally, the message sent by the sender and received by the receiver is far ahead of the verbal structures they exchanged. The reason for the distinction is the presence of semantic factors and contextual meanings in all the forms of communication. 'Discourse' has a Latin origin; the prefix 'dis' stands for 'away', and the main word 'currere' stands for 'to run'; that is how it becomes 'to run away'. Discourse is how language is used socially to convey broad historical meanings. It is a language identified by the social conditions of its use, who uses it, and under what conditions. Language can never be 'neutral' because it bridges our personal and social worlds 1.

The definition emphasises the social construction of the text, through which meaning takes place. The social context in which the conversation or the text is produced sculpts the discourse. Discourse analysis requires a significant questioning line to understand who uses it and under what conditions. It also sheds light on its historical significance, as language carries its historical or diachronic developments. The words uttered or written have connotations and literal meanings, replicating power structures and societal stratification. The language cannot be neutral or objective, as it inherits the standpoints and inequalities. Furthermore, although language is a personal phenomenon, it also reflects broader societal norms and political conditions. Consequently, the 'discourse' sits wider than the 'text', including a broader range of aspects in communication. Therefore, discourse analysis scrutinises both the explicit and implicit aspects of communication.

Discourse analysis is a way of approaching and thinking about a problem in order to provide a tangible answer to it. It is a technique based on scientific research that enables us to understand the conditions behind a specific issue. It makes us realise the essence of the issue and its resolution. As mentioned by Meriel Bloor and Thomas Bloor (2013) in their book 'The Practice of Critical Discourse Analysis', Discourse is sometimes used in contrast with 'text', where 'text' refers to actual written or spoken data, and 'discourse' refers to the whole communication involving production and comprehension, not necessarily entirely verbal. … can involve context, background information, or knowledge shared between a speaker and hearer 2.

The study follows CDA, which has its roots in Foucault's work (1988) and many other schools of thought. As understood in CDA, the discourse is quite similar to Foucauldian discourse. 3 produces a historical analysis of discourse and power. He investigates the exercise of social power through discourses. On the other hand, Fairclough (1989) aims to account for how people are constituted in social struggle through discourse. He attends to how the practices of the social sciences have shaped, and continue to shape, the institutional discourses that form subjects. His contribution is constructing a model of discourse as social practice, allowing detailed linguistic analysis of the interaction of individuals as realisations of these subject­shaping practices. He introduces four significant steps in his version of critical discourse analysis. 1. Focus on a specific social problem; 2. Identification of dominant styles, genres, and discourses; 3. Considering the scope of diversity within styles, genres, and discourses; 4. Identifying areas of resistance to colonisation processes by dominant discourses 4.

Critical Discourse Analysis studies social forms of society, such as inequality, dominance, and abuse of power, and how these forms are enacted, legitimised, reproduced, and resisted by text and talk in the social and political context. According to 5, there are some basic tenets of CDA. First, CDA addresses social problems. Second, it does ideological work. Third, it constitutes society and culture. Fourth, discourse analysis is interpretative and explanatory. 5 Fairclough, in 'Language and Power,' discusses the connection between the use of language and unequal relations of power (Fairclough, 1989). He posits "the significance of language in the production, maintenance, and change of social relations of power". The present paper focuses on discovering the links between gender and ideology through the analysis of the contemporary Indian English periodical, Organiser.

The CDA consists of three levels: 1. the study of vocabulary, grammar, structure, and coherence of the text(s); 2. the process of production, distribution, and consumption of the text (who, for whom, and for what purpose did it?); and 3. the way of constructing and perceiving the text, emphasising the political, economic, cultural, and ideological function of the text(s). The paper highlights the importance of discourse and power, as well as the role of language in maintaining and reinforcing these concepts, for which it has employed Critical Discourse Analysis as a theoretical framework. CDA helps analyse and examine discourse critically. It presents social hierarchies and practices like hegemony, oppression, dominance, and exploitation of those exploited and oppressed. The research paper employs CDA to analyse women's representation in media discourse. Through CDA, aspects like gender, language, and ideology can be examined and analysed in the periodical 'Organiser'.

Intertextuality stands with high importance in critical discourse analysis. It is a product of the poststructuralist paradigm. It is simply a process of communication between the text and the reader on the one hand and the texts are having conversations with each other on the other. Originally, it was a literary device designed to assist in interpreting the text by combining it with numerous other texts. But over time, it widened its scope to include several other meanings.

The term 'intertextuality' was originally coined by Julia 6 in the essays 'Word, Dialogue and Novel', which was written in 1966, and 'The Bounded Text', which was written in 1967 [1]. The term intertextuality stands for the idea that texts are always in conversation with other texts and that their meaning is shaped by these relationships. It represents a continuous exchange between texts and the creation of meaning through their relationships. She asserts, …an intersection of textual surfaces rather than a point (a fixed meaning), as a dialogue among several writings… Each word (text) is an intersection of other words (texts) where at least one other word (text) can be read 6. The web of words contains a single meaning, while different sets of words can convey various meanings. No meaning can take place in isolation, as 'No Text is an Island.' [2] Intertextual references can be explicit, such as quotations and absolute allusions, and implicit, also requiring the readers to use their historical, social, cultural, political, and ideological understanding to label the source. Therefore, it plays an important role in conceptualising critical discourse analysis. CDA analyses the language, reinforcing and reflecting the societal power structures and ideological struggles. In the essay 'Intertextuality in critical discourse analysis', Norman 4 highlights the importance of intertextuality in critical discourse analysis as follows:

Intertextuality is a crucial concept for analysing discursive events within the discourse practice framework. It provides a way into the complexity of discursive events realised in the heterogeneity of texts, in meaning, form, and style 4.

Gender plays a vital role in every publication and speech. Most languages exhibit gender­biased structures and representations. The language is dominated by one gender over the other. If one looks at it from a sociolinguistic perspective, one can determine that languages have different behavioural patterns for men and women, and the language's constitution favours men over women. The language used in the periodicals is not an exception to it. The knowledge production industry from the beginning has been dominated by men, which has impacted the language used and the content covered in the periodicals. The periodical 'Organiser' has never been edited by any woman. The lack of a female editor is a significant factor. The use of language has social and psychological impacts on individuals and society as a whole. The relationship between gender and language is integral to the culture of that particular period. Language belongs to men 7, as it is a socio­culturally developed phenomenon; the high impact of society and culture can be seen in the language. Gender encompasses the socially constructed characteristics of women, men, girls, and boys. This definition includes the norms, behaviours, and roles associated with being a woman, man, girl, or boy, as well as their relationships with each other. Gender is hierarchical and produces inequalities that intersect with other social and economic inequalities. (World Health Organisation).

Some periodicals have recently changed their approach to language use. Some periodicals consider gender­neutral language instead of the traditional one. Some periodicals are using words like "chairperson" instead of "chairman" to acknowledge that women can also occupy leadership positions. It is important to address and curtail the gender­biased words and structures in the language. Ann 8 observed, Challenging sexism in language and making trouble with words can be an important feminist strategy to engender social change. 8 The work of Lakoff in 1973, 'Language and Woman's Place', focuses on how women's language revealed their place in society, a place that was generally inferior to that occupied by men. This woman's language has, in retrospect, been called the deficit model, as many of the features of this language show women as deficient compared to men. Women's language is woven around men's language; it has no independent language origins. The United Nations Secretariat's Administrative Instruction, dated 29 October 1992, states that bias­free language is important because it reflects the user's attitude. The words that can suggest the superiority of one gender over the other should be avoided. The UN Editorial Directive from August 14, 1998, also emphasises the need to steer clear of sex­specific and potentially discriminatory expressions and opt instead for gender­sensitive language.

Indigenous groups share a set of ideas, beliefs, culture, values, and practices, collectively referred to as 'ideology'. It is a well­documented fact that there are various ideologies in the world. They are wide and diverse. Some ideologies are considered 'superior', and some are 'inferior'. The superior ideology dominates other ideologies based on culture, language, political stance, and socio­economic factors. To maintain control over others, the dominant caste or religion­based group uses state apparatuses. There are mainly two types of apparatuses: Repressive State Apparatuses (RSA) and Ideological State Apparatuses (ISA). The RSA primarily works by oppression and violence, and the ISA works by ideology. The dominant group uses the various ISAs, some of which are mentioned by 9:

 The religious ISA refers to the various church systems.  The educational ISA refers to the system that includes various public and private schools.  The family's ISA  The legal ISA  The political ISA  The trade union ISA  The communications ISA (press, radio, television, etc.)  The cultural ISA (literature, the arts, sports, etc.)

The dominant ideology uses various apparatuses to safeguard its superiority. At the same time, inferior ideologies are invariably in a struggle with the superior ideologies to claim their place and position in society. This struggle is a continuous process; at the same time, it is dynamic in nature. This struggle between ideologies requires effective tools to disseminate their beliefs and connect with a large audience that shares similar thought processes. 9 explains, The class (or class alliance) in power cannot lay down the law in the ISAs as easily as it can in the (repressive) State apparatus, not only because the former ruling classes can retain strong positions there for a long time, but also because the resistance of the exploited classes can acquire means and occasions to express itself there, either by the utilisation of their contradictions or by conquering combat positions in them in the struggle 9.

This struggle between ideologies requires tools to disseminate their beliefs and connect with a large audience that shares similar thought processes. 9) mentions the Communication ISA, which includes the press, radio, television, etc., in the list of ideological state apparatuses. The periodicals can be employed as the ISA to spread and imbibe a particular ideology among certain groups of people. The periodicals are also a tool to establish cultural hegemony slowly through language and representation. Hegemony, to Gramsci, is the "cultural, moral, and ideological" leadership of a group over allied and subaltern groups. It is based on the equilibrium between consent and coercion. Gramsci did not provide an exact definition of the concept in his writings; however, later scholars were able to understand the term based on his explanations. The 'spontaneous' consent is given by the vast masses of the population to the general direction imposed on social life by the dominant fundamental group; this consent is 'historically' caused by the prestige and consequent confidence that the dominant group enjoys due to its position and function in the world of production [3]. 10.

The periodicals and media platforms play a crucial role in prevailing cultural hegemony. Every magazine or newspaper publishes the editorial in the issue to propagate the editorial position, which replicates their point of view to look at the happening and the scenario around it. It is usually an opinion piece and functions as a judgement builder for the readers, which maintains the hegemony over them, and without coercion, the idea and thought of the dominant group is given consent by the readers of the magazines. The media platforms can be aligned towards the right, left, or central ideologies. They can take a liberal, progressive, or conservative stance in their write­ups. This way, they try to shape the opinions of the readers.

From the beginning and throughout the world, people have used the media as a tool for transmitting and spreading ideology. The country's general public is the intended audience for the media. The general public consumes media content with inadequate filtration, which allows influencers to impact the minds of readers. Readers of media content rarely delve deeply to verify the connotative meanings and hidden discourses within it. It becomes necessary to understand the ideological influence of the dominant group. It is usually deeply rooted in the discourse of the periodicals. It is not clear enough to be understood by the general public without going deep into it. The ideology is an abstract concept with no specific definition. Although it is an abstract term, it can be analysed with the help of critical discourse analysis tools.

Cultural, social, and philosophical forms have a well­documented influence on media. The widespread circulation of texts closely linked the dissemination of political, intellectual, religious, and cultural ideas. Therefore, the media became a tool for spreading ideology. Periodicals serve as a primary tool for the culture industry. They are being used for mass deception. In The Dialectic of Enlightenment, 11 views the culture industry as mass deception. He refers to cultural products like films, magazines, and TV serials. The culture industry has been producing cultural products for the consumption and conception of the masses. 12 argues that production and development are not done for the welfare of the general people, but rather to sustain themselves by manipulating the consumers of the content. The idea of production and development is about maximising profit for capitalists; therefore, it ultimately leads to exploitation. Thereby, according to 12, the culture industry transforms culture into an ideological medium of domination. People often view periodicals as integral components of the culture industry or ideological state apparatuses, which they can strategically exploit for mass deception. The media's ability to construct narratives and disseminate information can lead to the spread of false realities and manipulative influences on the audience. The discourse surrounding WhatsApp University is not new to those who disseminate information widely. Media discourse sets the narratives of the particular ideology it wishes to establish in society. In the book Understanding Media and Culture: An Introduction to Mass Communication, the author (who preferred anonymity) argues that magazines control which stories reach the public by deciding which articles to include in their publications. As might be expected, the choice of stories depends on the political climate and global events (2016).

In the book Media Control: The Spectacular Achievements of Propaganda, Noam Chomsky (2002) talks about two models of democracy. According to him, the second model of democracy is one in which the means of information are carefully and firmly manipulated by a certain "specialised" class in any society. Media have expanded to such an extent across the globe that they have become a self­sufficient entity, living for themselves. He regards the media as a primary source for propagating propaganda. He has argued that media products can imbibe the narrative of their choice and their ideology to influence readers' perceptions within society. According to 13, the public's presented picture of the world bears only a tenuous connection to reality.

In an article entitled "Introspect, deliberate, and move ahead," the repeated use of words like 'Bharat,' 'Bhartiya,' and 'Swarajya' is observed. This use is not just a way to refer to the country; it is meant to instil the idea of nationalism in the reader. People of the country become more emotional, and they feel closer to the abstract idea of 'Bharat.' Constitutionally, we say, India, i.e., Bharat. The sole reason behind calling Bharat is political, and hence, the ideological right always pits Bharat against India or vice versa.

'She suffered a trauma of violence that got unleashed after the divisive partition.' This line refers to the country as a feminine entity, one that has endured suffering. Therefore, the line implies that the country is vulnerable and requires protection. When 'Bharatmata' encounters difficulties, the military's importance becomes apparent. This kind of narrative about the nation adds to the extreme nationalist tendencies in which the nation as an abstract idea stands higher than the exact people and other components that constitute the idea of the nation. Based on gender analysis, 'She,' the country as a feminine entity, has to be protected from external forces. It can be seen in a different light, as when we use 'she,' it is considered weaker and vulnerable. As a nation, it is simply applied to the women in the country.

'Beacon of Hope' is the analysis by senior journalist Pankaj Jaiswal that talks about India in 2047, when it will be 100 years of independence. The article begins with a quotation from Swami Vivekananda, in which he states that the mission of the country is to guide humanity. By using words like lead, monitor, guide, and control, the periodical creates a purposeful discourse for readers. The readers are shown the dreams that they are yet to achieve.

When the philosophy of the nation is going to guide the world, it is the philosophy of the Hindu Dharma, specifically 'Sanatana Dharma'. In sync with Hindu Dharma's philosophy of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, the Modi government came to the rescue of the world during the COVID­19 crisis, war situations, natural disasters, and economic crises. By 2047, many countries will follow Sanatan Dharma (Beacon of Hope). The lines bring together the country, the religion (only Hindu), the Modi government, and the dream of leading the world. It tries to imply that the Modi Government, with the help of the Hindu religion, will lead the entire world to follow the Sanatan Dharma. In the whole article, this discourse is prevalent. At the end of the article, the concluding paragraph came with the headline, 'Rise of Hindutva for Global Good.' The whole article is ideologically driven. It tries to impose and inculcate a certain ideology by including the above references and excluding the related philosophies of different religions present in the country.

It is putting the readers into the dream of future India and letting them escape from the present issues, problems, and crises. 'Training youths to become entrepreneurs rather than job seekers' makes the readers dream differently while forgetting the limited job opportunities available around and the reasons behind it. While talking about NEP 2020, the August issue featured on Curriculum and Education highlights the preparation of creating students who shall be ready for the industrial revolution 4.0, along with a profound understanding of cultural ethos. These are purely futuristic statements, and nothing can be made of them as of now. These statements cannot guarantee an inclusive societal structure.

In the article 'Bharat @ 100: A citizen charter', the author, Yuvraj Pokharna, uses the obligatory word 'should' to indicate that he wants his fellow citizens to prioritise being dutiful and responsible over seeking their rights. He lists 10 points to make Bharat a Vishwa Guru. These points exclude talking about gender and women's safety; they demand righteousness from the citizens. It is crucial to look at the choice of words. The phrase 'the righteous citizen' demands further exploration. Why has he preferred an adjective like 'righteous' and not any other adjective? And why does a word like "citizen' require an adjective? It already means rightful and legal. However, such preaching requires adjectives of all kinds.

Further, he writes, "As a righteous citizen, one should provide priority to senior citizens and women with children in public spaces" (19). The quote draws our quick attention. The devil lies hidden in what is said and is not said. Therefore, it is necessary to analyse these sentences in order to understand their essence. Let's focus on the parts of the sentence 'women with children in public spaces' and ask a few questions: a. Why should only women with children be given priority, and that too only in public spaces? b. What does it mean, after all? c. What about private spaces? d. What about women with no children? Overall, the entire sentence conveys a patriarchal tone. It spews patriarchy like venom.

As mentioned earlier, the periodical consciously and deliberately prefers Bharat over India, as if the editor digitally replaces India with Bharat. This is, indeed, a discourse. They aim to instill and disseminate this narrative widely. Then, phrases such as 'We, the people of Bharat,' emerge alongside claims of 'reawakened and reinvigorated' (19) minds. In one instance, instead of using the term 'secular', which is considered the most fearful word of the decade, he chooses to use the word 'plural'. The Organiser's contents aim to evoke socio­ political consciousness and simultaneously shape the mindset of the readers.

The article 'Ganga, The National River of India' is full of such structures and sentences to inculcate the idea of the river as a religious and cultural entity instead of a geographical one. The initiatives under the programmes called 'Namami Gange', 'Azadi ka Amrit Mahotsav', and 'Atma Nirbhar Bharat' are shown to be taken to preserve the glory of the nation. The article views the river Ganga as a goddess, a symbol of past glory, and a representation of India's culture. The name of the programme, 'Namami Gange', itself hails Ganga as the highest entity, which should be worshipped. By making the river more than the river and a supreme figure, by personifying the river, the discourse is trying to bring out the narrative of Hindutva ideology in which the Ganga is worshipped as a goddess.

We can understand the construction of gender in this periodical by drawing upon gender studies and discourse analysis. The way it genders "female' narratives has to be deconstructed studiously. The 'Ganga', the river, is worshipped as a goddess, but the need to protect it from pollution, i.e., external attacks, is the duty of someone who holds the power. Allocating the budget to clean the Ganga is an effort towards maintaining its purity. In social practice, women's purity and chastity are correlated with the river, and most specifically with the river Ganga.' Many mythological references also support the same idea. The notion of purity, especially in the case of the river Ganga, seems more religious than scientific. It sounds like a religious project and not an actual clean river project, and it is not sustaining the natural resources. This difference is obvious in practice and words.

Language has an irreplaceable role in the media industry. Media outlets, particularly periodicals, report stories while considering their ideological policies and gender perspectives. It is viewed that critical discourse analysis empowers readers to unearth the layers and the implicit and explicit meanings with an understanding of contemporary social practices. The Organiser tries to impose, inculcate, and emphasise the ideological elements through the kinds of writings. This periodical significantly contributes to the formation and construction of Hindu nationalism. People perceive the periodical as concentrating on concepts like Hindu nationalism, patriotism, Hindi, and, to a certain degree, jingoism. It can be said that the use of Bharat instead of India is a conscious choice, and it is an exemplar of their dominant Hindutva ideology. The choices of words are noticeable and hence disseminated with a well­planned thought. The choices, by no means, sound like afterthoughts. This periodical not only disseminates the agendas of the present regime but also provides agendas for the central and federal governments. It can be noticed from the periodical 'Organiser' that the dominant ideology constantly tries to maintain its dominance with the help of ideological state apparatuses. Therefore, some argue that this periodical functions as an active ideological state apparatus within the regime.

It must be noted that the language of the 'organiser's aims to shape and propagate its Hindu nationalist discourse. Through this national discourse, they attempt to shape and mould India's culture. Often, the use of phrases like 'One Nation One Language', 'One Nation One Exam', 'One Nation One Code', 'One Nation One Religion', and so on is quite evident and traceable to their ideological origins. It has been noted that the weekly Organiser has representation through their language and discourse to build a narrative that helps their ideology prosper across the Hindu caste. The peculiar use of language and phrases contributes to the shaping of dominant ideologies. The religious and spiritual phrases have successfully attracted and controlled people's nerves. Deconstructing such religiously and spiritually coloured structures is a herculean task. It would take decades for the secular minds to restore the idea of India.

Periodicals invariably have their standpoints on gender issues. Language is a cultural entity that users can construct and use however they want. The periodical 'Organiser' follows the traditional and orthodox idea of gender. The orthodoxy is quite visible throughout the contents. The periodical lacks a policy on using gender­ neutral language and deliberate constructions. The critical discourse analysis assists us in comprehending and analysing what and how the weekly 'Organiser' shapes its narratives about gender equality.